william ewart gladstone-第3部分

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country　where　opinion　is　active　and　changeful；　where　the　economic
conditions　that　legislation　has　to　deal　with　are　in　a　state　of
perpetual　flux；　where　the　balance　of　power　between　the　upper　and
middle　and　poorer　classes　has　been　swiftly　altering　during　the　last
sixty　years；　no　statesman　can　continue　to　serve　the　public　if　he
adheres　obstinately　to　the　views　with　which　he　started　in　life。　　He
mustunless；　of　course；　he　stands　aloof　in　permanent　opposition
either　submit　to　advocate　measures　he　secretly　mislikes；　or　else
must　keep　himself　always　ready　to　learn　from　events；　and　to
reconsider　his　opinions　in　the　light　of　emergent　tendencies　and
insistent　facts。　　Mr。　Gladstone's　pride　as　well　as　his　conscience
forbade　the　former　alternative；　it　was　fortunate　that　the
inexhaustible　activity　of　his　intellect　made　the　latter　natural　to
him。　　He　was　accustomed　to　say　that　the　great　mistake　of　his　earlier
views　had　been　in　not　sufficiently　recognizing　the　worth　and　power
of　liberty；　and　the　tendency　which　things　have　to　work　out　for　good
when　left　to　themselves。　　The　application　of　this　principle　gave
room　for　many　developments；　and　many　developments　there　were。　　He
may　have　wanted　that　prescience　which　is；　after　integrity；　the
highest　gift　of　a　statesman；　but　which　is　almost　impossible　to　a　man
so　pressed　by　the　constant　and　engrossing　occupations　of　an　English
minister　that　he　cannot　find　time　for　the　patient　study　and　thought
from　which　alone　sound　forecasts　can　issue。　　But　he　had　the　next
best　quality；　that　of　always　learning　from　the　events　which　passed
under　his　eyes。

With　this　singular　openness　and　flexibility　of　mind；　there　went　a
not　less　remarkable　ingenuity　and　resourcefulness。　　His　mind　was
fertile　in　expedients；　and　still　more　fertile　in　reasonings　by　which
to　recommend　the　expedients。　　This　gift　was　often　dangerous；　for　he
was　apt　to　be　carried　away　by　the　dexterity　of　his　own　dialectic；
and　to　think　schemes　substantially　good　in　whose　support　he　could
muster　so　formidable　an　array　of　arguments。　　He　never　seemed　to　be
at　a　loss；　in　public　or　private；　for　a　criticism；　or　for　an　answer
to　the　criticisms　of　others。　　If　his　power　of　adapting　his　own　mind
to　the　minds　of　those　whom　he　had　to　convince　had　been　equal　to　the
skill　and　swiftness　with　which　he　accumulated　a　mass　of　matter
persuasive　to　those　who　looked　at　things　in　his　own　way；　no　one
would　have　exercised　so　complete　a　control　over　the　political
opinion　of　his　time。　　But　his　mind　had　not　this　power　of　adaptation。
It　moved　on　its　own　linespeculiar　lines；　which　were　often
misconceived；　even　by　those　who　sought　to　follow　him　most　loyally。
Thus　it　happened　that　he　was　blamed　for　two　opposite　faults。　　Some；
pointing　to　the　fact　that　he　had　frequently　altered　his　views；
denounced　him　as　a　demagogue　profuse　of　promises；　ready　to　propose
whatever　he　thought　likely　to　catch　the　people's　ear。　　Others
complained　that　there　was　no　knowing　where　to　have　him；　that　he　had
an　erratic　mind；　whose　currents　ran　underground　and　came　to　the
surface　in　unexpected　places；　that　he　did　not　consult　his　party；　but
followed　his　own　predilections；　that　his　guidance　was　unsafe　because
his　decisions　were　unpredictable。　　Both　these　views　were　unfair；　yet
the　latter　came　nearer　to　the　truth　than　the　former。　　No　great
popular　leader　had　in　him　less　of　the　true　ring　of　the　demagogue。
He　saw；　of　course；　that　a　statesman　cannot　oppose　the　popular　will
beyond　a　certain　point；　and　may　have　to　humor　it　in　order　that　he
may　direct　it。　　Now　and　then；　in　his　later　days；　he　so　far　yielded
to　his　party　advisers　as　to　express　his　approval　of　proposals　for
which　he　cared　little　personally。　　But　he　was　too　self…absorbed；　too
eagerly　interested　in　the　ideas　that　suited　his　own　cast　of　thought；
to　be　able　to　watch　and　gage　the　tendencies　of　the　multitude。　　On
several　occasions　he　announced　a　policy　which　startled　people　and
gave　a　new　turn　to　the　course　of　events。　　But　in　none　of　these
instances；　and　certainly　not　in　the　three　most　remarkable；his
declarations　against　the　Irish　church　establishment　in　1868；　against
the　Turks　and　the　traditional　English　policy　of　supporting　them　in
1876；　and　in　favor　of　Irish　home　rule　in　1886；did　any　popular
demand　suggest　his　pronouncement。　　It　was　the　masses　who　took　their
view　from　him；　not　he　who　took　his　mandate　from　the　masses。　　In　all
of　these　instances　he　was　at　the　time　in　opposition；　and　was　accused
of　having　made　this　new　departure　for　the　sake　of　recovering　power。
In　the　two　former　he　prevailed；　and　was　ultimately　admitted；　by　his
more　candid　adversaries；　to　have　counseled　wisely。　　In　all　of　them
he　may；　perhaps；　be　censured　for　not　having　sooner　perceived；　or　at
any　rate　for　not　having　sooner　announced；　the　need　for　reform。　　But
it　was　very　characteristic　of　him　not　to　give　the　full　strength　of
his　mind　to　a　question　till　he　felt　that　it　pressed　for　a　solution。
Those　who　discussed　politics　with　him　were　scarcely　more　struck　by
the　range　of　his　vision　and　his　power　of　correlating　principles　and
details　than　by　his　unwillingness　to　commit　himself　on　matters　whose
decision　he　could　postpone。　　Reticence　and　caution　were　sometimes
carried　too　far；　not　merely　because　they　exposed　him　to
misconstruction；　but　because　they　withheld　from　his　party　the
guidance　it　needed。　　This　was　true　in　all　the　three　instances　just
mentioned；　and　in　the　last　of　them　his　reticence　probably
contributed　to　the　separation　from　him　of　some　of　his　former
colleagues。　　Nor　did　he　always　rightly　divine　the　popular　mind。
Absorbed　in　his　own　financial　views；　he　omitted　to　note　the　change
that　had　been　in　progress　between　1862　and　1874；　and　thus　his
proposal　in　the　latter　year　to　extinguish　the　income　tax　fell
completely　flat。　　He　often　failed　to　perceive　how　much　the　credit　of
his　party　was　suffering　from　the　belief；　quite　groundless　so　far　as
he　personally　was　concerned；　that　his　government　was　indifferent　to
what　are　called　Imperial　interests；　the　interests　of　England　outside
England。　　But　he　always　thought　for　himself；　and　never　stooped　to
flatter　the　prejudices　or　inflame　the　passions　of　any　class　in　the
community。

Though　the　power　of　reading　the　signs　of　the　times　and　moving　the
mind　of　the　nation　as　a　whole　may　be　now　more　essential　to　an
English　statesman　than　the　skill　which　manages　a　legislature　or
holds　together　a　cabinet；　that　skill　counts　for　much；　and　must
continue　to　do　so　while　the　House　of　Commons　remains　the　supreme
governing　authority　of　the　country。　　A　man　can　hardly　reach　high
place；　and　certainly　cannot　retain　high　place；　without　possessing
this　kind　of　art。　　Mr。　Gladstone　was　at　one　time　thought　to　want　it。
In　1864；　when　Lord　Palmerston's　end　was　evidently　near　and　Mr。
Gladstone　had　shown　himself　the　most　brilliant　and　capable　man　among
the　Liberal　ministers　in　the　House　of　Common's；　people　speculated
about　the　succession　to　the　headship　of　the　party；　and　the　wiseacres
of　the　day　were　never　tired　of　repeating　that　Mr。　Gladstone　could
not　possibly　lead　the　House　of　Commons。　　He　wanted　tact　（they　said）；
he　was　too　excitable；　too　impulsive；　too　much　absorbed　in　his　own
ideas；　too　unversed　in　the　arts　by　which　individuals　are
conciliated。　　But　when；　after　twenty…five　years　of　his　unquestioned
reign；　the　time　for　his　own　departure　drew　nigh；　men　asked　how　the
Liberal　party　in　the　House　of　Commons　would　ever　hold　together　after
it　had　lost　a　leader　of　such　consummate　capacity。　　Seldom　has　a
prediction　been　more　utterly　falsified　than　that　of　the　Whig　critics
of　1864。　　They　had　grown　so　accustomed　to　Palmerston's　way　of
handling　the　House　as　to　forget　that　a　man　might　succeed　by　quite
different　methods。　　And　they　forgot　also　that　a　man　may　have　many
defects　and　yet　in　spite　of　them　be　incomparably　the　fittest　for　a
great　place。

Mr。　Gladstone　had　the　defects　that　were　ascribed　to　him。　　His
impulsiveness　sometimes　betrayed　him　into　declarations　which　a
cooler　man　would　have　abstained　from。　　The　second　reading　of　the
Irish　Home…Rule　Bill　of　1886　would　probably　have　been　carried　had　he
not　been　goaded　by　his　opponents　into　words　which　seemed　to　recall
or　modify　the　concessions　he　had　announced　at　a　meeting　of　the
Liberal　party　held　just　before。　　More　than　once　precious　time　was
wasted　in　useless　debates　because　his　antagonists；　knowing　his
excitable　temper；　brought　on　discussions　with　the　sole　object　of
annoying　him　and　drawing　from　him　some　hasty　deliverance。　　Nor　was
he　an　adept；　like　Disraeli　and　Sir　John　A。　Macdonald；　in　the
management　of　individuals。　　He　had　a　contempt　for　the　meaner　side　of
human　nature　which　made　him　refuse　to　play　upon　it。　　He　had
comparatively　little　sympathy　with　many　of　the　pursuits　which
attract　ordinary　men；　and　he　was　too　constantly　engrossed　by　the
subjects　of　enterprises　which　specially　appealed　to　him　to　have
leisure　for　the　lighter　but　often　very　important　devices　of
political　strategy。　　A　trifling　anecdote；　which　was　told　in　London
about　twenty…five　years　ago；　may　illustrate　this　characteristic。
Mr。　Delane；　then　editor　of　the　〃Times；〃　had　been　invited　to　meet　the
prime　minister　at　a　moment　when　the　support　of　the　〃Times〃　would
have　been　specially　valuable　to　the　Liberal　government。　　Instead　of
using　the　opportunity　to　set　forth　his　policy　and　invite　an　opinion
on　it；　Mr。　Gladstone　talked　the　whole　time　of　dinner　upon　the
question　of　the　exhaustion　of　the　English　coal…beds；　to　the　surprise
of　the　company　and　the　unconcealed　annoyance　of　the　powerful　guest。
It　was　the　subject　then　uppermost　in　his　mind；　and　he　either　did　not
think　of　winning　Mr。　Delane　or　disdained　to　do　so。　　In　the　House　of
Commons　he　was　entirely　free　from　airs；　or；　indeed；　from　any　sort　of
assumption　of　superiority。　　The　youngest　member　might　accost　him　in
the　lobby　and　be　listened　to　with　perfect　courtesy。　　But　he　seldom
addressed　any　one　outside　his　own　very　small　group　of　friends；　and
more　than　once　made　enemies　by　omitting　to　notice　and　show　some
attention　to　members　of　his　party　who；　having　been　eminent　in　their
own　towns；　expected　to　be　made　much　of　when　they　entered　Parliament。
Having　himself　plenty　of　pride　and　comparatively　little　vanity；　he