memoirs of napoleon bonaparte, v6-第14部分

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and　Bonaparte；　in　all　the　vigour　of　his　genius；　was　often　subject　to
aberrations　of　judgment；　for　though　his　imagination　never　failed　him；　his
judgment　was　frequently　at　fault。

This　fact　may　serve　to　explain；　and　perhaps　even　to　excuse　the　faults
with　which　the　First　Consul　has　been　most　seriously　reproached。　　The
activity　of　his　mind　seldom　admitted　of　an　interval　between　the
conception　and　the　execution　of　a　design；　but　when　he　reflected　coolly　on
the　first　impulses　of　his　imperious　will；　his　judgment　discarded　what　was
erroneous。　　Thus　the　blind　obedience；　which；　like　an　epidemic　disease；
infected　almost　all　who　surrounded　Bonaparte；　was　productive　of　the　most
fatal　effects。　　The　best　way　to　serve　the　First　Consul　was　never　to
listen　to　the　suggestions　of　his　first　ideas；　except　on　the　field　of
battle；　where　his　conceptions　were　as　happy　as　they　were　rapid。　　Thus；
for　example；　MM。　Maret；　de　Champagny；　and　Savary　evinced　a　ready
obedience　to　Bonaparte's　wishes；　which　often　proved　very　unfortunate；
though　doubtless　dictated　by　the　best　intentions　on　their　part。　　To　this
fatal　zeal　may　be　attributed　a　great　portion　of　the　mischief　which
Bonaparte　committed。　　When　the　mischief　was　done；　and　past　remedy；
Bonaparte　deeply　regretted　it。　　How　often　have　I　heard　him　say　that　Maret
was　animated　by　an　unlucky　zeal！　　This　was　the　expression　he　made　use　of。

M。　de　Talleyrand　was　almost　the　only　one　among　the　ministers　who　did　not
flatter　Bonaparte；　and　who　really　served　both　the　First　Consul　and　the
Emperor。　　When　Bonaparte　said　to　M。　de　Talleyrand；　〃Write　so　and　so；　and
send　it　off　by　a　special　courier；〃　that　minister　was　never　in　a　hurry　to
obey　the　order；　because　he　knew　the　character　of　the　First　Consul　well
enough　to　distinguish　between　what　his　passion　dictated　and　what　his
reason　would　approve：　in　short；　he　appealed　from　Philip　drunk　to　Philip
sober。　　When　it　happened　that　M。　de　Talleyrand　suspended　the　execution　of
an　order；　Bonaparte　never　evinced　the　least　displeasure。　　When；　the　day
after　he　had　received　any　hasty　and　angry　order；　M。　de　Talleyrand
presented　himself　to　the　First　Consul；　the　latter　would　say；　〃Well；　did
you　send　off　the　courier？〃〃No；〃　the　minister　would　reply；　〃I　took　care
not　to　do　so　before　I　showed　you　my　letter。〃　　Then　the　First　Consul　would
usually　add；　〃Upon　second　thoughts　I　think　it　would　be　best　not　to　send
it。〃　　This　was　the　way　to　deal　with　Bonaparte。　　When　M。　de　Talleyrand
postponed　sending　off　despatches；　or　when　I　myself　have　delayed　the
execution　of　an　order　which　I　knew　had　been　dictated　by　anger；　and　had
emanated　neither　from　his　heart　nor　his　understanding；　I　have　heard　him
say　a　hundred　times；　〃It　was　right；　quite　right。　　You　understand　me：
Talleyrand　understands　me　also。　　This　is　the　way　to　serve　me：　the　others
do　not　leave　me　time　for　reflection：　they　are　too　precipitate。〃　　Fouche
also　was　one　of　those　who　did　not　on　all　occasions　blindly　obey
Bonaparte's　commands。　　His　other　ministers；　on　the　other　hand；　when　told
to　send　off　a　courier　the　next　morning；　would　have　more　probably　sent　him
off　the　same　evening。　　This　was　from　zeal；　but　was　not　the　First　Consul
right　in　saying　that　such　zeal　was　unfortunate？

Of　Talleyrand　and　Fouche；　in　their　connections　with　the　First　Consul；　it
might　be　said　that　the　one　represented　the　Constituent　Assembly；　with　a
slight　perfume　of　the　old　regime；　and　the　other　the　Convention　in　all　its
brutality。　　Bonaparte　regarded　Fouche　as　a　complete　personification　of
the　Revolution。　　With　him；　therefore；　Fouche's　influence　was　merely　the
influence　of　the　Revolution。　　That　great　event　was　one　of　those　which　had
made　the　most　forcible　impression　on　Bonaparte's　ardent　mind；　and　he
imagined　he　still　beheld　it　in　a　visible　form　as　long　as　Fouche　continued
at　the　head　of　his　police。　　I　am　now　of　opinion　that　Bonaparte　was　in
some　degree　misled　as　to　the　value　of　Fouche's　services　as　a　minister。
No　doubt　the　circumstance　of　Fouche　being　in　office　conciliated　those　of
the　Revolutionary　party　who　were　his　friends。　　But　Fouche　cherished　an
undue　partiality　for　them；　because　he　knew　that　it　was　through　them　he
held　his　place。　　He　was　like　one　of　the　old　Condottieri；　who　were　made
friends　of　lest　they　should　become　enemies；　and　who　owed　all　their　power
to　the　soldiers　enrolled　under　their　banners。

Such　was　Fouche；　and　Bonaparte　perfectly　understood　his　situation。　　He
kept　the　chief　in　his　service　until　he　could　find　an　opportunity　of
disbanding　his　undisciplined　followers。　　But　there　was　one　circumstance
which　confirmed　his　reliance　on　Fouche。　　He　who　had　voted　the　death　of
the　King　of　France；　and　had　influenced　the　minds　of　those　who　had　voted
with　him；　offered　Bonaparte　the　best　guarantee　against　the　attempts　of
the　Royalists　for　raising　up　in　favour　of　the　Bourbons　the　throne　which
the　First　Consul　himself　had　determined　to　ascend。　　Thus；　for　different
reasons；　Bonaparte　and　Fouche　had　common　interests　against　the　House　of
Bourbon；　and　the　master's　ambition　derived　encouragement　from　the
supposed　terror　of　the　servant。

The　First　Consul　was　aware　of　the　existence　in　Paris　of　a　Royalist
committee；　formed　for　the　purpose　of　corresponding　with　Louis　XVIII。
This　committee　consisted　of　men　who　must　not　be　confounded　with　those
wretched　intriguers　who　were　of　no　service　to　their　employers；　and　were
not　unfrequently　in　the　pay　of　both　Bonaparte　and　the　Bourbons。
The　Royalist　committee；　properly　so　called；　was　a　very　different　thing。
It　consisted　of　men　professing　rational　principles　of　liberty；　such　as
the　Marquis　de　Clermont　Gallerande；　the　Abbe　de　Montesqiou；　M。　Becquet；
and　M。　Royer　Collard。　　This　committee　had　been　of　long　standing；　the
respectable　individuals　whose　names　I　have　just　quoted　acted　upon　a
system　hostile　to　the　despotism　of　Bonaparte；　and　favourable　to　what　they
conceived　to　be　the　interests　of　France。　　Knowing　the　superior　wisdom　of
Louis　XVIII。；　and　the　opinions　which　he　had　avowed　and　maintained　in　the
Assembly　of　the　Notables；　they　wished　to　separate　that　Prince　from　the
emigrants；　and　to　point　him　out　to　the　nation　as　a　suitable　head　of　a
reasonable　Constitutional　Government。　　Bonaparte；　whom　I　have　often　heard
speak　on　the　subject；　dreaded　nothing　so　much　as　these　ideas　of　liberty；
in　conjunction　with　a　monarchy。　　He　regarded　them　as　reveries；　called　the
members　of　the　committee　idle　dreamers；　but　nevertheless　feared　the
triumph　of　their　ideas。　　He　confessed　to　me　that　it　was　to　counteract　the
possible　influence　of　the　Royalist　committee　that　he　showed　himself　so
indulgent　to　those　of　the　emigrants　whose　monarchical　prejudices　he　knew
were　incompatible　with　liberal　opinions。　　By　the　presence　of　emigrants
who　acknowledged　nothing　short　of　absolute　power；　he　thought　he　might
paralyse　the　influence　of　the　Royalists　of　the　interior；　he　therefore
granted　all　such　emigrants　permission　to　return。

About　this　time　I　recollect　having　read　a　document；　which　had　been
signed；　purporting　to　be　a　declaration　of　the　principles　of　Louis　XVIII。
It　was　signed　by　M。　d'Andre；　who　bore　evidence　to　its　authenticity。
The　principles　contained　in　the　declaration　were　in　almost　all　points
conformable　to　the　principles　which　formed　the　basis　of　the　charter。
Even　so　early　as　1792；　and　consequently　previous　to　the　fatal　21st　of
January；　Louis　XVI。；　who　knew　the　opinions　of　M。　de　Clermont　Gallerande；
sent　him　on　a　mission　to　Coblentz　to　inform　the　Princes　from　him；　and　the
Queen；　that　they　would　be　ruined　by　their　emigration。　　I　am　accurately
informed；　and　I　state　this　fact　with　the　utmost　confidence。　　I　can　also
add　with　equal　certainty　that　the　circumstance　was　mentioned　by　M。　de
Clermont　Gallerande　in　his　Memoirs；　and　that　the　passage　relative　to　his
mission　to　Coblentz　was　cancelled　before　the　manuscript　was　sent　to
press。

During　the　Consular　Government　the　object　of　the　Royalist　committee　was
to　seduce　rather　than　to　conspire。　　It　was　round　Madame　Bonaparte　in
particular　that　their　batteries　were　raised；　and　they　did　not　prove
ineffectual。　　The　female　friends　of　Josephine　filled　her　mind　with　ideas
of　the　splendour　and　distinction　she　would　enjoy　if　the　powerful　hand
which　had　chained　the　Revolution　should　raise　up　the　subverted　throne。
I　must　confess　that　I　was　myself；　unconsciously；　an　accomplice　of　the
friends　of　the　throne；　for　what　they　wished　for　the　interest　of　the
Bourbons　I　then　ardently　wished　for　the　interest　of　Bonaparte。

While　endeavours　were　thus　made　to　gain　over　Madame　Bonaparte　to　the
interest　of　the　royal　family；　brilliant　offers　were　held　out　for　the
purpose　of　dazzling　the　First　Consul。　　It　was　wished　to　retemper　for　him
the　sword　of　the　constable　Duguesclin；　and　it　was　hoped　that　a　statue
erected　to　his　honour　would　at　once　attest　to　posterity　his　spotless
glory　and　the　gratitude　of　the　Bourbons。　　But　when　these　offers　reached
the　ears　of　Bonaparte　he　treated　them　with　indifference；　and　placed　no
faith　in　their　sincerity。　　Conversing　on　the　subject　one　day　with　M。　de
La　Fayette　he　said；　〃They　offer　me　a　statue；　but　I　must　look　to　the
pedestal。　　They　may　make　it　my　prison。〃　　I　did　not　hear　Bonaparte　utter
these　words；　but　they　were　reported　to　me　from　a　source；　the　authenticity
of　which　may　be　relied　on。

About　this　time；　when　so　much　was　said　in　the　Royalist　circles　and　in　the
Faubourg　St。　Germain；　of　which　the　Hotel　de　Luynes　was　the　headquarters；
about　the　possible　return　of　the　Bourbons；　the　publication　of　a　popular
book　contributed　not　a　little　to　direct　the　attention　of　the　public　to
the　most　brilliant　period　of　the　reign　of　Louis　XIV。　　The　book　was　the
historical　romance　of　Madame　de　la　Valloire；　by　Madame　de　Genlis；　who　had
recently　returned　to　France。　　Bonaparte　read　it；　and　I　have　since
understood　that　he　was　very　well　pleased　with　it；　but　he　said　nothing　to
me　about　it。　　It　was　not　until　some　time　after　that　he　complained　of　the
effect　which　was　produced　in　Paris　by　this　publication；　and　especially　by
engravings　representing　scenes　in　the　life　of　Louis　XIV。；　and　which　were
exhibited　in　the　shop…windows。　　The　police　received　orders　to　suppress
these　prints；　and　the　order　was　implicitly　obeyed；　but　it　was　not
Fouc