list4-第14部分

快捷操作: 按键盘上方向键 ← 或 → 可快速上下翻页 按键盘上的 Enter 键可回到本书目录页 按键盘上方向键 ↑ 可回到本页顶部! 如果本书没有阅读完，想下次继续接着阅读，可使用上方 "收藏到我的浏览器" 功能 和 "加入书签" 功能！





For　that　reason　the　principle　must　be　firmly　maintained　above　all



by　the　European　nations；　that　no　exclusive　commercial　privileges



must　be　reserved　to　any　European　nation　in　any　part　of　Asia



whatever；　and　that　no　nation　must　be　favoured　above　others　there　in



any　degree。　It　would　be　especially　advantageous　to　the　extension　of



this　trade；　if　the　chief　commercial　emporiums　of　the　East　were



constituted　free　cities；　the　European　population　of　which　should



have　the　right　of　self…government　in　consideration　of　an　annual



payment　of　tax　to　the　native　rulers。　But　European　agents　should　be



appointed　to　reside　with　these　rulers；　after　the　example　of　English



policy　in　India；　whose　advice　the　native　rulers　should　be　bound　to



follow　in　respect　of　the　promotion　of　public　security　order；　and



civilisation。



　　　　All　the　Continental　powers　have　especially　a　common　interest



that　neither　of　the　two　routes　from　the　Mediterranean　to　the　Red



Sea　and　to　the　Persian　Gulf　should　fall　into　the　exclusive



possession　of　England；　nor　remain　impassable　owing　to　Asiatic



barbarism。　To　commit　the　duty　of　protecting　these　important　points



to　Austria；　would　insure　the　best　guarantees　to　all　European



nations。



　　　　Further；　the　Continental　powers　in　general　have　a　common



interest　with　the　United　States　in　maintaining　the　principle　that



'free　ships　cover　free　goods；'　and　that　only　an　effectual　blockade



of　individual　ports；　but　not　a　mere　proclamation　of　the　blockade　of



entire　coasts；　ought　to　be　respected　by　neutrals。　Finally；　the



principle　of　the　annexation　of　wild　and　uninhabited　territories



appears　to　require　revision　in　the　common　interest　of　the



Continental　powers。　People　ridicule　in　our　days　the　fact　that　the



Holy　Father　formerly　undertook　to　make　presents　of　islands　and



parts　of　the　globe；　nay　even　to　divide　the　world　into　two　parts



with　a　stroke　of　the　pen；　and　to　apportion　this　part　to　one　man　and



that　to　another。　Can　it；　however；　be　deemed　much　more　sensible　to



acknowledge　the　title　to　an　entire　quarter　of　the　globe　to　vest　in



the　man　who　first　erected　somewhere　on　the　earth　a　pole　adorned



with　a　piece　of　silk？　That　in　the　case　of　islands　of　moderate　size



the　right　of　the　discoverer　should　be　respected；　may　be　admitted



consistently　with　common　sense；　but　when　the　question　arises　as　to



islands　which　are　as　large　as　a　great　European　kingdom　（like　New



Zealand）　or　respecting　a　continent　which　is　larger　than　the　whole



of　Europe　（like　Australia）；　in　such　a　case　by　nothing　less　than　an



actual　occupation　by　colonisation；　and　then　only　for　the　actually



colonised　territory；　can　a　claim　to　exclusive　possession　be



admitted　consistently　with　common　sense。　And　it　is　not　clear　why



the　Germans　and　the　French　should　not　have　the　right　to　found



colonies　in　those　parts　of　the　world　at　points　which　are　distant



from　the　English　stations。



　　　　If　we　only　consider　the　enormous　interests　which　the　nations　of



the　Continent　have　in　common；　as　opposed　to　the　English　maritime



supremacy；　we　shall　be　led　to　the　conviction　that　nothing　is　so



necessary　to　these　nations　as　union；　and　nothing　is　so　ruinous　to



them　as　Continental　wars。　The　history　of　the　last　century　also



teaches　us　that　every　war　which　the　powers　of　the　Continent　have



waged　against　one　another　has　had　for　its　invariable　result　to



increase　the　industry；　the　wealth；　the　navigation；　the　colonial



possessions；　and　the　power　of　the　insular　supremacy。



　　　　Hence；　it　cannot　be　denied　that　a　correct　view　of　the　wants　and



interests　of　the　Continent　underlaid　the　Continental　system　of



Napoleon；　although　it　must　not　be　ignored　that　Napoleon　desired　to



give　effect　to　this　idea　（right　in　itself）　in　a　manner　which　was



contrary　to　the　independence　and　to　the　interests　of　the　other



Continental　powers。　The　Continental　system　of　Napoleon　suffered



from　three　capital　defects。　In　the　first　place；　it　sought　to



establish；　in　the　place　of　the　English　maritime　supremacy；　a　French



Continental　supremacy；　it　sought　the　humiliation；　or　destruction



and　dissolution；　of　other　nationalities　on　the　Continent　for　the



benefit　of　France；　instead　of　basing　itself　on　the　elevation　and



equalisation　of　the　other　Continental　nations。　Furthermore；　France



followed　herself　an　exclusive　commercial　policy　against　the　other



countries　of　the　Continent；　while　she　claimed　for　herself　free



competition　in　those　countries。　Finally；　the　system　almost　entirely



destroyed　the　trade　between　the　manufacturing　countries　of　the



Continent　and　tropical　countries；　and　found　itself　compelled　to



find　a　remedy　for　the　destruction　of　this　international　trade　by



the　use　of　substituted　articles。（1*）



　　　　That　the　idea　of　this　Continental　system　will　ever　recur；　that



the　necessity　of　realising　it　will　the　more　forcibly　impress　itself



on　the　Continental　nations　in　proportion　as　the　preponderance　of



England　in　industry；　wealth；　and　power　further　increases；　is



already　very　clear；　and　will　continually　become　more　evident。　But



it　is　not　less　certain　that　an　alliance　of　the　Continental　nations



can　only　have　a　good　result　if　France　is　wise　enough　to　avoid　the



errors　of　Napoleon。　Hence；　it　is　foolish　of　France　if　she　raises



（contrary　to　all　justice；　and　to　the　actual　nature　of



circumstances）　claims　for　extension　of　frontiers　at　the　expense　of



Germany；　and　thereby　compels　other　nations　of　the　Continent　to　ally



themselves　with　England。



　　　　It　is　foolish　of　France　if　she　speaks　of　the　Mediterranean　Sea



as　of　a　French　lake；　and　seeks　to　acquire　exclusive　influence　in



the　Levant　and　in　South　America。



　　　　An　effective　Continental　system　can　only　originate　from　the



free　union　of　the　Continental　powers；　and　can　succeed　only　in　case



it　has　for　its　object　（and　also　effects）　an　equal　participation　in



the　advantages　which　result　from　it；　for　in　that　way　only；　and　in



no　other；　can　the　maritime　powers　of　second　rank　command　respect



from　the　predominant　power　of　England　in　such　a　way　that　the　latter



without　any　recourse　to　the　force　of　arms　will　concede　all　the　just



requirements　of　the　less　powerful　states。　Only　by　such　an　alliance



as　that　will　the　Continental　manufacturing　powers　be　able　to



maintain　their　relations　with　tropical　countries；　and　assert　and



secure　their　interests　in　the　East　and　the　West。



　　　　In　any　case　the　British；　who　are　ever　too　anxious　for



supremacy；　must　feel　it　hard　when　they　perceive　in　this　manner　how



the　Continental　nations　will　reciprocally　raise　their　manufacturing



power　by　mutual　commercial　concessions　and　by　treaties；　how　they



will　reciprocally　strengthen　their　navigation　and　their　naval



power；　how　they　will　assert　their　claim　to　that　share　for　which



they　are　fitted　by　nature　in　civilising　and　colonising　barbarous



and　uncultivated　countries；　and　in　trade　with　tropical　regions。



Nevertheless；　a　glance　into　the　future　ought　sufficiently　to



console　the　britons　for　these　anticipated　disadvantages。



　　　　For　the　same　causes　which　have　raised　Great　Britain　to　her



present　exalted　position；　will　（probably　in　the　course　of　the　next



century）　raise　the　United　States　of　America　to　a　degree　of



industry；　wealth；　and　power；　which　will　surpass　the　position　in



which　England　stands；　as　far　as　at　present　England　excels　little



Holland。　In　the　natural　course　of　things　the　United　States　will



increase　their　population　within　that　period　to　hundreds　of



millions　of　souls；　they　will　diffuse　their　population；　their



institutions；　their　civilisation；　and　their　spirit　over　the　whole



of　Central　and　South　America；　just　as　they　have　recently　diffused



them　over　the　neighbouring　Mexican　province。　The　Federal　Union　will



comprise　all　these　immense　territories；　a　population　of　several



hundred　millions　of　people　will　develop　the　resources　of　a



continent　which　infinitely　exceeds　the　continent　of　Europe　in



extent　and　in　natural　wealth。　The　naval　power　of　the　western　world



will　surpass　that　of　Great　Britain；　as　greatly　as　its　coasts　and



rivers　exceed　those　of　Britain　in　extent　and　magnitude。



　　　　Thus　in　a　not　very　distant　future　the　natural　necessity　which



now　imposes　on　the　French　and　Germans　the　necessity　of　establishing



a　Continental　alliance　against　the　British　supremacy；　will　impose



on　the　British　the　necessity　of　establishing　a　European　coalition



against　the　supremacy　of　America。　Then　will　Great　Britain　be



compelled　to　seek　and　to　find　in　the　leadership　of　the　united



powers　of　Europe　protection；　security；　and　compensation　against　the



predominance　of　America；　and　an　equivalent　for　her　lost　supremacy。



　　　　It　is　therefore　good　for　England　that　she　should　practise



resignation　betimes；　that　she　should　by　timely　renunciations　gain



the　friendship　of　European　Continental　powers；　that　she　should



accustom　herself　betimes　to　the　idea　of　being　only　the　first　among



equals。







NOTES：







1。　This　fact　is　confirmed　by　Mad。　Junot；　in　M閙oires　de　la　Duchess



d'Abrant鑣。　　＇TRANSLATOR。＇











Chapter　36







The　Commercial　Policy　of　the　German　Zollverein







　　　　If　any　nation　whatever　is　qualified　for　the　establishment　of　a



national　manufacturing　power；　it　is　Germany；　by　the　high　rank　which



she　maintains　in　science　and　art；　in　literature　and　education；　in



public　administration　and　in　institutions　of　public　utility；　by　her



morality　and　religious　character；　her　industry　and　domestic



economy；　by　her　perseveranc