treatise on taxes and contributions-第14部分

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Estates　real　and　personal；　yea　of　their　Offices；　Faculties；　and　imaginary　Estates　also；　in　and　about　which　way　may　be　so　much　fraud；　collusion；　oppresion；　and　trouble；　some　purposely　getting　themselves　taxed　to　gain　more　trust；　Others　bribing　to　be　taxed　low；　and　it　being　impossible　to　check　or　examine　or　trace　these　Collections　by　the　print　of　any　foot…steps　they　leave　（such　as　the　Harths　of　Chimneys　are）　that　I　have　not　patience　to　speak　more　against　it；　daring　rather　conclude　without　much　ado；　in　the　words　of　our　Comick　to　be　naught；　yea　exceeding　naught；　very　abominable；　and　not　good。

Chapter　14

Of　raising；　depressing；　or　embasing　of　Money

　　　　Sometimes　it　hath　hapned；　that　States　（I　know　not　by　what　raw　advice）　have　raised　or　embased　their　money；　hoping　thereby；　as　it　were；　to　multiply　it；　and　make　it　pass　for　more　then　it　did　before；　that　is；　to　purchase　more　commodity　or　labour　with　it：　All　which　indeed　and　in　truth；　amounts　to　no　more　then　a　Tax；　upon　such　People　unto　whom　the　State　is　indebted；　or　a　defalkation　of　what　is　due；　as　also　the　like　burthen　upon　all　that　live　upon　Pensions；　established　Rents；　Annuities；　Fees；　Gratuities；　etc。　　　　　2；　To　explain　this　fully；　one　might　lanch　out　into　the　deep　Ocean　of　all　the　Mysteries　concerning　Money；　which　is　done　for　other　ends　elsewhere；　nevertheless　I　shall　do　it　the　best　I　can；　by　expounding　the　reasons　pro　&　contra　for　embasing　and　raising　of　Money：　and　first　of　embasing。　　　　　3。　Copper　or　Tin　Money　mad　ad　valorem　in　its　matter；　is　no　embasing；　the　same　being　onely　cumbersom　and　baser　then　silver　money；　onely　because　less　convenient　and　portable。　　　　　And　Copper　money　ad　valorem　in　workmanship　and　matter　both　together；　（such　as　on　which　the　Effigies　and　Scutcheon　are　so　curiously　graven　and　impressed；　as　the　moneys　seem　rather　a　Medal。）　is　not　embasing；　unless　the　numbers　of　such　pieces　be　excessive；　（the　measures　whereof　I　shall　not　set　down；　until　I　shall　hereafter　propound　the　fittest　Sections　of　the　abstracted　pound　into　which　I　would　have　money　coyned；　and　determine　how　many　pieces　of　each　Section　should　be　in　an　hundred　pound）　for　in　case　of　such　excess；　the　workmanship　being　of　no　other　use　but　to　look　upon；　becomes　base　by　its　being　too　common。　　　　　4。　Nor　are　such　Tokens　base　as　are　coyned　for　Exchange　in　retailing　by　particular　men；　（if　such　men　be　responsible　and　able　to　take　them　back；and　give　Silver　for　them。）　　　　　5。　But　that　Gold　I　count　to　be　embased；　which　hath　more　ally　either　of　Copper　or　Silver　in　it；　then　serves　to　correct　its　too　great　natural　softness　and　flexibility；　whereby　it　wears　too　fast　in　Money：　And　that　Silver　I　reckon　also　embased；　wherein　is　commixed　more　Copper　then　will　sufficeintly　toughen　it；　and　save　it　from　cracking　under　the　Hammer；　Press；　or　Mill　that　must　coin　it；　or　the　like。　　　　　6。　Base　Money　is　therefore　such　as　Ductch　Shillings；　Stivers；　French　Soulz；　Irish　Bon…galls；　etc。　and　for　the　most　part　considting　great　pieces；though　of　small　value。　To　answer　the　first　reason　or　pretence　of　making　them；　which　is；　that　the　said　Pieces　might　be　more　bulky；　handleable；　and　the　silver　in　them　less　apt　to　be　lost　or　worn　away。　　　　　7。　The　other　reason　（besides　that　of　allay　which　we　must　allow　in　the　Measures　abovementioned）　is　to　save　it　from　being　melted　down　by　Goldsmiths　and　Bullioners；　or　exported　by　strangers；　neither　of　which　can　happen　but　to　their　loss：　for　suppose　a　Stiver　of　two　pence　had　a　penny　of　pure　silver；　if　the　Bullioner　melts　it　for　the　sake　of　the　silver　onely；　in　the　separation　he　shall　lose　the　Copper　and　charge　of　refining　the　Silver；　nor　will　strangers　export　it　into　places　where　the　local　value　of　the　Piece　perisheth；　the　intrinsick　leaving　him　to　loss。　　　　　8。　Secondly；　In　case　samll　pieces　of　this　Money；　viz。　pieces　of　two　pence　should　happen　to　be　raised　or　depressed　twelve；　fifteen；　or　sixteen　per　cent　then　there　will　be　a　certain　loss　by　reason　of　the　fractions；　which　the　vulgar　cannot　reckon。　As　for　example；　if　such　Money　were　depressed　but　ten；　eleven　or　twelve　per　cent　then　the　two　pence　piece　would　be　worth　but　three　half　pence；　which　is　twenty　five　per　cent　and　so　of　other　proportions。　　　　　9。　Thirdly；　In　case　the　Inconvenience　of　this　Money　should　be　so　great　as　to　necissitate　a　new　Coinage　of　it；　then　will　happen　all　the　losses　we　mentioned　before　in　melting　it　down　by　Bullioners。　　　　　10　Fourthly；　If　the　two　pence　piece　contained　but　1/8th　part　of　the　Silver　usually　in　a　shilling；　then　Dealers　would　have　fifteen　pence　paid　in　this　money　for　the　same　Commodity；　for　which　they　would　take　a　shilling　in　Standard　Silver。　　　　　11。　Raising　of　Money　is　either　the　cutting　the　pound　Troy　of　Standard　Silver　into　more　pieces　then　formerly；　as　into　above　sixty；　whereas　heretofore　the　same　was　made　but　into　twenty；　and　yet　both　sorts　called　shillings；　or　else　calling　the　money　already　made　by　higher　names：　The　reasons　or　pretences　given　for　such　raising　are　these；　viz。　That　the　raising　of　Money　will　bring　it　in；　and　the　material　thereof　more　plentifully；　for　trial　whereof　suppose　one　shilling　were　proclaimed；　for　trial　whereof　suppose　one　shilling　were　proclaimed　to　be　worth　two　what　other　effect　could　this　have；　then　the　raising　of　all　Commodities　unto　a　double　price？　Now　if　it　were　proclaimed；　That　Labourers　Wages；　etc。　should　not　rise　at　all　upon　this　raising　of　Money；　then　would　this　Act　be　as　onely　a　Tax　upon　the　said　Labourers；　as　forcing　them　to　lose　half　their　wages；　which　would　not　be　onely　unjust　but　impossible；　unless　they　could　live　with　the　said　half；　（which　is　not　to　be　supposed）　for　then　the　Law　that　appoints　such　Wages　were　ill　made；　which　should　allow　the　Labourer　but　just　wherewithall　to　live；　for　if　you　allow　double；　then　he　works　but　half　so　much　as　he　could　have　done；　and　otherwise　would；　which　is　a　loss　to　the　Publick　of　the　fruit　of　so　much　labour。　　　　　12。　But　suppose　the　Quart　d'Esen　of　France　commonly　esteemed　worth　eighteen　pence　were　raised　to　three　shillings；　then　'tis　true；　that　all　the　Moneys　of　England　would　be　indeed　Quart　d'Esens　pieces；　but　as　true；　that　all　the　English　Money　would　be　carried　away；　and　that　our　Quart　d'Esens　would　contain　but　half　so　much　Bullion　as　our　own　Money　did；　so　that　raising　of　Money　may　indeed　change　the　species；　but　with　so　much　loss　as　the　Forreign　Pieces　were　raised　unto；　above　their　intrinsick　value。　　　　　13。　But　for　remedy　of　this；　suppose　we　raised　the　Quart　d'Esen　double；　and　prohibited　the　Exportation　of　our　own　money　in　Exchange　thereof。　I　answer；　that　such　a　Prohibition　is　nugatory；　and　impossible　to　be　executed；　and　if　it　were　not；　yet　the　raising　of　the　said　species　would　but　make　us　sell　the　Commodities　bought　with　raised　Quart　d'Escens；　in　effect　but　at　half　the　usual　rate；　which　unto　them　that　want　such　commodities　will　as　well　yield　the　full；　so　that　abating　our　prices；　will　as　well　allure　strangers　to　buy　extraordinary　proportions　of　our　Commodities；　as　raising　their　money　will　do：　But　neither　that；　nor　abating　the　price　will　strangers　use　more　of　our　Commodities　then　thye　want；　for　although　the　first　year　they　should　carry　away　an　unuseful　and　superfluous　proportion；　yet　afterwards　they　would　take　so　much　the　less。　　　　　14。　If　this　be　true；　as　in　substance　it　is；　why　then　have　so　many　wise　States　in　several　ancient；　as　well　as　modern　times　frequently　practised　this　Artifice；　as　a　means　to　draw　in　money　into　their　respective　Dominions。　　　　　I　answer；　that　something　is　to　be　attributed　to　the　stupidity　and　ignorance　of　the　people；　who　cannot　of　a　sudden　understand　this　matter：　for　I　finde　many　men　wise　enough；　who　though　they　be　well　informed　that　raising　of　maoney　signifies　little；　yet　cannot　suddently　digest　it。　As　for　example；　and　unegaged　person　who　had　money　in　his　purse　in　England；　and　should　hear　that　a　shilling　was　made　fourteen　pence　in　Ireland；　would　more　readily　run　theither　to　by　Land　then　before；　not　suddenly　apprehending；　that　for　the　same　Land　which　he　might　have　bought　before　for　six　years　Purchase；　he　shall　now　pay　seven。　Nor　will　Sellers　in　Ireland　of　a　sudden　apprehend　cause　to　raise　their　Land　proportionally；　but　will　at　least　be　contented　to　compound　the　business；　viz。　to　sell　at　six　and　an　half；　and　if　the　difference　be　a　more　ragged　fraction；　men　under　a　long　time　will　not　apprehend　it；　nor　ever　be　able　exactly　to　govern　their　practice　according　to　it。　　　　　15。　Secondly；　Although　I　apprehend　no　little　real　difference　between　raising　Forreign　Money　to　double；　and　abasing　half　in　the　price　of　our　own　Commodities；　yet　to　sell　them　on　tacite　condition　to　be　paid　in　Forraign　present　Money；　shall　increase　our　money；　forasmuch　as　between　raising　the　money；　and　abasing　the　price；　is　the　same　difference　as　between　selling　for　money　and　in　barter；　which　latter　is　the　dearer；　or　between　selling　for　present　money；　and　for　time；　barter　resolving　into　the　nature　of　uncertain　time。　　　　　16。　I　say；　suppose　English　Cloth　were　sold　at　six　shillings　a　yard；　and　French　Canvas　at　eighteen　pence　the　ell；　the　question　is；　whether　it　were　all　one　in　order　to　increase　Money　in　England　to　raise　the　French　Money　double；　or　to　abate　half　of　the　price　of　our　Cloth？　I　think　the　former；　because　that　former　way　or　proposition　carries　with　it　a　condition　of　having　Forreign　Money　in　specie；　and　not　Canvas　in　barter；　between　which　two　wayes　the　world　generally　agrees　there　is　a　difference。　Wherefore　if　we　can　afford　to　abate　half　our　price；　but　will　not　do　it　but　for　our　neighbours　money；　then　we　gain　so　much　as　the　said　difference　between　Money　and　Barter　amounts　unto；　by　such　raising　of　our　Neighbours　Money。　　　　17。　But　the　fundamental　solution　of　this　Question　depends　upon　a　real　and　not　an　imaginary　way　of　computing　the　prices　of　Commodities；　in　order　to　which　real　way　I　premise　these　suppositions：　First；　then；　suppose　there　be　in　a　Territory　a　thousand　people；　let　these　people　be　supposed　sufficient　to　Till　this　whole　Territory　as　to　the　Husbandry　of　Corn；　which　we　will　suppose　to　contain　all　necessaries　for　like；　as　in　the　Lords　Prayer　we　suppose　the　word　Bread　doth；　and　let　the　production　of　a　Bushel　of　this　corn　be　supposed　of　equal　labour　to　that　of　producing　an　ounce　of　Silver。　Suppose　again　that　a　tenth　part　of　this　Land；　and　tenth　of　the　people；　viz。　an　hundr