lecture vi-第5部分

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decisive　influence　on　the　course　of　politics。　The　all…powerful
bureaucracy　is　very　often　but　an　empty…headed　fool；　anxious　to
accept　the　ideas　of　the　despised　and　prosecuted　journalist。　In
Russia；　as　well　as　everywhere　else；　the　true　and　lasting　power　is
that　of　public　opinion；　and　of　those　who　know　how　to　influence
it。　Periods　in　which　the　Government　acts　contrary　to　public
opinion　occur　from　time　to　time。　They　are　very　harmful　to　those
who　dare　to　remain　faithful　to　their　opinions。　For　a　while
nothing　is　heard　of　but　the　need　of　suppression　both　of　opinions
and　of　those　who　publicly　profess　them。　But　time　passes　and　the
Government　begins　to　reap　the　fruits　of　its　own　sowing。　At　every
step　it　takes；　it　finds　on　the　part　of　those　it　governs　nothing
but　ill…will；　a　hidden　but　profound　mistrust。　As　soon　as　it　feels
that　it　is　losing　all　hold　on　the　minds　and　hearts　of　the　people；
it　is　the　first　to　condemn　what　it　has　recently　praised。　Some
fine　morning　everybody　is　stalled　by　learning　that　the　very　men
who　had　done　their　best　to　render　impossible　the　public
expression　of　certain　ideas　are　now　drawing　their　inspiration
from　these　same　ideas。
　　　　But　I　feel　that　I　have　made　perhaps　a　necessary；　but　at　all
events　a　too　long；　digression　from　the　direct　line　of　my
inquiries。　I　will　therefore　return　to　them　at　once；　and　begin　by
pointing　out　those　points　on　which　the　committee　appointed　to
elaborate　the　law　of　enfranchisement　carried　out　in　their　scheme
　the　opinions　of　the　press。
　　　　It　was　the　press　which　first　advocated　the　notion　that　the
liberated　peasant　ought　to　become　the　owner　of　the　land　actually
in　his　possession。　Schemes　for　realising　this　idea　had　been
already　worked　out　in　the　reign　of　Nicholas　by　some　patriotic
scholars　and　publicists。　Among　them　was　Professor　Kavelin；　whose
project　was　published　by　the　Russian　contemporary；　at　the　head　of
other　articles；　on　the　impending　reform。　It　was　on　Kavelin　that
first　fell　the　responsibility　of　expressing　ideas　in　opposition
to　the　views　of　the　Government。　His　opinion　as　to　the　necessity
of　endowing　the　peasant　with　land　soon　found　an　echo　in　the
debates　of　the　nobility　of　Tver；　who　petitioned　the　Czar　to
extend　his　promise　concerning　grants　of　land　to　the　enfranchised
serf；　not　only　to　his　homestead　and　the　ground　surrounding　it；
but　also　to　the　shares　the　peasant　possessed　in　the　open　fields
of　the　village。　In　giving　an　account　of　the　different　opinions
expressed　by　the　provincial　nobility；　the　central　committee
referred　to　this　scheme　proposed　by　the　nobility　of　Tver；　and
recommended　it　to　the　Government。　Thus　we　see　how　prominent　a
part　the　press　played　on　this　occasion。
　　　　Its　influence　was　no　less　powerful　in　the　question　on　what
principle　should　be　based　the　future　ownership　exercised　by　the
peasants。　Two　schemes；　widely　differing　from　each　other；　were　at
the　same　time　proposed　by　the　press。　The　one　（chiefly　supported
by　economists　such　as　Vernadsky；　and　publicists　like　Katkof）
recommended　the　immediate　acceptance　of　measures　favourable　to
the　development　of　private　property；　the　other　（supported　by　the
majority　of　the　Slavophile　and　Radical　press）　was　in　favour　of
the　strict　maintenance　of　the　village　community　system；　with　its
periodical　redistribution　of　land。　On　this　question；　Slavophiles
such　as　Samarin　and　Koschelev　went　hand　in　hand　with　the
Socialist　Tchernishevsky；　the　author　of　the　very　remarkable　essay
on　the　〃Prejudices　of　Political　Economists　against　the　Common
Ownership　in　Land；〃　an　essay　which　forms　the　base　of　the　social
creed　of　the　so…called　Nihilists。
　　　　The　project　of　emancipation　elaborated　by　Government
officials　is　a　sort　of　compromise　between　these　contradictory
opinions。　It　starts　with　the　idea　of　a　temporary　maintenance　of
the　common　ownership　in　land；　but　advocates　certain　measures
favourable　to　the　development　of　private　property。　A　new
redistribution　of　the　shares　is　allowed　only　when　it　is　demanded
by　two…thirds　of　the　persons　voting　at　the　village　Assembly。
Every　person　paying　back　to　the　Government　the　money　advanced　to
him；　in　order　to　remunerate　the　landlord　for　the　ground　he　has
been　obliged　to　yield；　is　immediately　acknowledged　to　be　the
private　proprietor　of　his　share。　The　scheme　of　the　Slavophiles
and　the　Radicals　required　a　simple　majority　to　make　legal　the
village　decision　concerning　a　new　re…distribution　of　the　land；
they　were；　and　are　still；　opposed　to　the　recognition　of　private
property　on　the　part　of　the　peasant　who　has　bought　back　his　share
in　the　common　land。
　　　　Very　important；　too；　was　the　service　rendered　by　the　press　on
the　important　question　of　the　amount　of　land　which　the　feudal
lord　should　be　required　to　leave　in　the　hands　of　his　liberated
serfs。　Most　writers　were　in　favour　of　leaving　to　the　peasants　the
quantity　of　land　they　actually　occupied；　〃for；〃　said　they；　and
not　without　reason；　〃this　amount　must；　no　doubt；　correspond　to
the　necessities　of　their　existence；　as　the　amount　has　been
accorded　to　them　by　the　landlord　for　no　other　purpose　but　that　of
merely　supporting　life。〃　Few　advocated　the　desirability　of
establishing　in　each　province　a　certain　maximum　and　minimum　of
land　donation。　The　members　of　the　central　committee　were
favourable　to　the　first　scheme；　and　if　the　last　prevailed；　and
found　its　expression　in　the　law；　the　explanation　is　to　be　found
in　the　opposition　which　the　first　plan　met　with　on　the　part　of
the　nobility　and　their　chief　supporters　in　the　higher　official
circles。
　　　　One　important　question　arose；　whether　the　landlord　should
still　keep　a　certain　executive　authority　within　the　limits　of　the
township；　or　whether　the　inner　life　of　the　village　was
thenceforth　to　be　subject　to　no　other　rules　than　those　issued　by
the　village　Assembly　and　put　in　force　by　its　elected　chiefs；　the
elders　or　starostas。　The　press　almost　unanimously　expressed　its
desire　to　see　the　realisation　of　the　latter　plan。　The　country
people；　said　the　press；　required　complete　liberty；　or；　to　use　the
popular　expression；　〃pure　liberty。〃　Now　this　liberty　was
inconsistent　with　the　maintenance　of　rights　such　as　those
exercised　by　the　German　noblemen　in　the　Baltic　provinces　or　the
junkers　of　Eastern　Prussia。　The　only　way　to　render　any　revival　of
personal　servitude　impossible　was　to　establish　the　system　of
peasant　self…government。　Opinions　differed　on　the　question　as　to
whether　the　landlord　ought　to　be　a　member　of　the　township　or　not。
The　Radicals　were　against　it；　and　the　Slavophiles　did　not　attach
great　importance　to　it；　thinking　that　the　landlord　would　feel
himself　quite　isolated　amid　the　crowd　of　his　former　subjects。　The
Liberals　alone　were　favourable　to　the　idea　of　increasing　the
number　of　township　members　by　admitting　all　residents；　without
distinction　of　class；　to　vote　in　the　village　Assembly。　Their
advice　did　not　prevail；　and　the　commune　became　a　class
institution；　to　the　great　disadvantage　both　of　the　peasants　and
of　the　whole　State。
　　　　One　of　the　most　difficult　points　was　undoubtedly　that　of
fixing　the　amount　of　remuneration　which　the　landlord　ought　to
receive；　not　for　the　loss　of　his　right　over　the　person　of　his
former　serf；　but　for　that　of　the　land　he　was　obliged　to　cede　in
his　favour。　The　question　was　the　more　difficult　because　the　land；
in　more　than　one　part　of　Russia；　had　really　no　market　price　at
all；　the　nobility　and　gentry　being　alone　allowed　to　bid　for　it。
The　press；　reasonably　enough；　insisted　on　the　necessity　of
establishing　a　correspondence　between　the　revenue　the　peasant　got
from　his　share　and　the　amount　of　remuneration　paid　for　it　to　the
landlord。　But　such　was　not　the　opinion；　either　of　the　central　or
local　committees；　and　we　must　lay　on　their　shoulders　the
responsibility　of　the　fact；　that　it　was　the　amount　of　payments　in
kind　and　the　quantity　of　villein…service　performed　by　the
peasant；　which　were　selected　as　the　base　of　valuation。　This
certainly　was　against　the　interests　of　the　peasant；　highly
overcharged　as　he　was　by　the　manorial　lord；　who　obliged　him　to
pay　rents　much　surpassing　the　revenue　of　the　land　he　cultivated。
By　not　adopting　on　this　point　the　views　entertained　by　the　press；
the　reformers；　as　you　easily　see；　did　a　great　social　injustice。
　　　　It　was　the　press　also　which　first　agitated　the　question　of
the　desirability　of　the　direct　interference　of　the　Government；　in
order　to　facilitate　the　expropriation　of　the　nobleman　in　favour
of　the　peasants。　The　head　of　the　central　committee；　Rostovzov；　as
we　have　already　seen；　thought　the　financial　difficulties　of　such
a　measure　insurmountable。　Such　was　not　the　opinion　of　the　press；
which　predicted　that　the　issue　of　〃rentes；〃　or　Government　bonds；
securing　to　the　landlord　a　certain　percentage　on　the　capital
which　he　should　cede　to　the　peasant　in　the　form　of　land；　would
not　lower　the　value　of　the　paper　money　already　in　circulation。　It
was　fortunate　that　in　the　end　this　method　was　adopted；　for　the
prophecy　was　not　only　realised；　but　the　interests　of　agriculture；
and　consequently　of　the　country　generally；　were　considerably
advanced　by　the　capital　paid　in　the　form　of　these　bonds　to　the
expropriated　landlords。　More　than　one　great　landowner　was　deeply
in　debt　at　the　time　emancipation　took　place；　very　few　had　the
capital　needed　for　the　economic　arrangements　required　for　the
substitution　of　the　paid　work　of　the　free　peasant　for　the　unpaid
work　of　the　serf。　They　obtained　it　by　selling　or　mortgaging　the
〃rentes〃　or　bonds　paid　to　them　by　the　Government。
　　　　We　therefore　find　that　on　all　points　the　press　was　the　guide；
the　authoritative　adviser；　the　sure　ally　of　the　Government。　This
last　character　plainly　appeared　in　the　struggle　which　the　central
committee　had　to　maintain　with　the　delegates　of　the　provincial
Committees。　These　bodies　were　composed　exclusively　of　members　of
the　local　nobility；　and　were　empowered　to　present　their　opinions
on　the　impending　reform。　Unconscious　of　the　alteration　which　had
taken　place　in　the　intentions　of　the　Government；　they　expressed
ideas　in　complete　accord　with　those　at　first　entertained　by　the
Emperor。　The　majority　in　each　committee；　seeing　that　it　was
impossible　under　present　circumstances　to　maintain　their　o