autobiography-第17部分

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place　without　firing　a　gun；　literally　ran　away　&　hid　himself　so　that　for　months　it　was　not　known　what　had　become　of　him。　　Amsterdam　was　then　attacked　and　capitulated。　In　the　meantime　the　negotiations　for　the　quadruple　alliance　were　proceeding　favorably。　　But　the　secrecy　with　which　they　were　attempted　to　be　conducted；　was　penetrated　by　Fraser；　Charge　des　affaires　of　England　at　St。　　Petersburg；　who　instantly　notified　his　court；　and　gave　the　alarm　to　Prussia。　　The　King　saw　at　once　what　would　be　his　situation　between　the　jaws　of　France；　Austria；　and　Russia。　　In　great　dismay　he　besought　the　court　of　London　not　to　abandon　him；　sent　Alvensleben　to　Paris　to　explain　and　soothe；　and　England　thro'　the　D。　of　Dorset　and　Eden；　renewed　her　conferences　for　accommodation。　　The　Archbishop；　who　shuddered　at　the　idea　of　war；　and　preferred　a　peaceful　surrender　of　right　to　an　armed　vindication　of　it；　received　them　with　open　arms；　entered　into　cordial　conferences；　and　a　declaration；　and　counter　declaration　were　cooked　up　at　Versailles　and　sent　to　London　for　approbation。　　They　were　approved　there；　reached　Paris　at　1　o'clock　of　the　27th。　and　were　signed　that　night　at　Versailles。　　It　was　said　and　believed　at　Paris　that　M。　de　Montmorin；　literally　〃pleuroit　comme　un　enfant；〃　when　obliged　to　sign　this　counter　declaration；　so　distressed　was　he　by　the　dishonor　of　sacrificing　the　Patriots　after　assurances　so　solemn　of　protection；　and　absolute　encouragement　to　proceed。　　（*　9）　The　Prince　of　Orange　was　reinstated　in　all　his　powers；　now　become　regal。　　A　great　emigration　of　the　Patriots　took　place；　all　were　deprived　of　office；　many　exiled；　and　their　property　confiscated。　　They　were　received　in　France；　and　subsisted　for　some　time　on　her　bounty。　　Thus　fell　Holland；　by　the　treachery　of　her　chief；　from　her　honorable　independence　to　become　a　province　of　England；　and　so　also　her　Stadtholder　from　the　high　station　of　the　first　citizen　of　a　free　republic；　to　be　the　servile　Viceroy　of　a　foreign　sovereign。　　And　this　was　effected　by　a　mere　scene　of　bullying　&　demonstration；　not　one　of　the　parties；　France　England　or　Prussia　having　ever　really　meant　to　encounter　actual　war　for　the　interest　of　the　Prince　of　Orange。　　But　it　had　all　the　effect　of　a　real　and　decisive　war。

　　　　　　　　（*　5）　lre　to　Jay　Aug。　6。　87。

　　　　　　　　（*　6）　My　lre　Sep。　22。　87。

　　　　　　　　（*　7）　My　lre　to　J。　Jay　Sep。24。

　　　　　　　　（*　8）　lre　to　Carm。　Dec。　15。

　　　　　　　　（*　9）　My　lre　to　Jay　Nov。　3。　lre　to　J。　Adams；　Nov。　13。

　　　　　　　　Our　first　essay　in　America　to　establish　a　federative　government　had　fallen；　on　trial；　very　short　of　it's　object。　　During　the　war　of　Independance；　while　the　pressure　of　an　external　enemy　hooped　us　together；　and　their　enterprises　kept　us　necessarily　on　the　alert；　the　spirit　of　the　people；　excited　by　danger；　was　a　supplement　to　the　Confederation；　and　urged　them　to　zealous　exertions；　whether　claimed　by　that　instrument；　or　not。　　But　when　peace　and　safety　were　restored；　and　every　man　became　engaged　in　useful　and　profitable　occupation；　less　attention　was　paid　to　the　calls　of　Congress。　　The　fundamental　defect　of　the　Confederation　was　that　Congress　was　not　authorized　to　act　immediately　on　the　people；　&　by　it's　own　officers。　　Their　power　was　only　requisitory；　and　these　requisitions　were　addressed　to　the　several　legislatures；　to　be　by　them　carried　into　execution；　without　other　coercion　than　the　moral　principle　of　duty。　　This　allowed　in　fact　a　negative　to　every　legislature；　on　every　measure　proposed　by　Congress；　a　negative　so　frequently　exercised　in　practice　as　to　benumb　the　action　of　the　federal　government；　and　to　render　it　inefficient　in　it's　general　objects；　&　more　especially　in　pecuniary　and　foreign　concerns。　　The　want　too　of　a　separation　of　the　legislative；　executive；　&　judiciary　functions　worked　disadvantageously　in　practice。　　Yet　this　state　of　things　afforded　a　happy　augury　of　the　future　march　of　our　confederacy；　when　it　was　seen　that　the　good　sense　and　good　dispositions　of　the　people；　as　soon　as　they　perceived　the　incompetence　of　their　first　compact；　instead　of　leaving　it's　correction　to　insurrection　and　civil　war；　agreed　with　one　voice　to　elect　deputies　to　a　general　convention；　who　should　peaceably　meet　and　agree　on　such　a　constitution　as　〃would　ensure　peace；　justice；　liberty；　the　common　defence　&　general　welfare。〃

　　　　　　　　This　Convention　met　at　Philadelphia　on　the　25th。　of　May　'87。　It　sate　with　closed　doors　and　kept　all　it's　proceedings　secret；　until　it's　dissolution　on　the　17th。　of　September；　when　the　results　of　their　labors　were　published　all　together。　　I　received　a　copy　early　in　November；　and　read　and　contemplated　it's　provisions　with　great　satisfaction。　　As　not　a　member　of　the　Convention　however；　nor　probably　a　single　citizen　of　the　Union；　had　approved　it　in　all　it's　parts；　so　I　too　found　articles　which　I　thought　objectionable。　　The　absence　of　express　declarations　ensuring　freedom　of　religion；　freedom　of　the　press；　freedom　of　the　person　under　the　uninterrupted　protection　of　the　Habeas　corpus；　&　trial　by　jury　in　civil　as　well　as　in　criminal　cases　excited　my　jealousy；　and　the　re…eligibility　of　the　President　for　life；　I　quite　disapproved。　　I　expressed　freely　in　letters　to　my　friends；　and　most　particularly　to　Mr。　Madison　&　General　Washington；　my　approbations　and　objections。　　How　the　good　should　be　secured；　and　the　ill　brought　to　rights　was　the　difficulty。　　To　refer　it　back　to　a　new　Convention　might　endanger　the　loss　of　the　whole。　　My　first　idea　was　that　the　9。　states　first　acting　should　accept　it　unconditionally；　and　thus　secure　what　in　it　was　good；　and　that　the　4。　last　should　accept　on　the　previous　condition　that　certain　amendments　should　be　agreed　to；　but　a　better　course　was　devised　of　accepting　the　whole　and　trusting　that　the　good　sense　&　honest　intentions　of　our　citizens　would　make　the　alterations　which　should　be　deemed　necessary。　Accordingly　all　accepted；　6。　without　objection；　and　7。　with　recommendations　of　specified　amendments。　　Those　respecting　the　press；　religion；　&　juries；　with　several　others；　of　great　value；　were　accordingly　made；　but　the　Habeas　corpus　was　left　to　the　discretion　of　Congress；　and　the　amendment　against　the　reeligibility　of　the　President　was　not　proposed　by　that　body。　　My　fears　of　that　feature　were　founded　on　the　importance　of　the　office；　on　the　fierce　contentions　it　might　excite　among　ourselves；　if　continuable　for　life；　and　the　dangers　of　interference　either　with　money　or　arms；　by　foreign　nations；　to　whom　the　choice　of　an　American　President　might　become　interesting。　　Examples　of　this　abounded　in　history；　in　the　case　of　the　Roman　emperors　for　instance；　of　the　Popes　while　of　any　significance；　of　the　German　emperors；　the　Kings　of　Poland；　&　the　Deys　of　Barbary。　　I　had　observed　too　in　the　feudal　History；　and　in　the　recent　instance　particularly　of　the　Stadtholder　of　Holland；　how　easily　offices　or　tenures　for　life　slide　into　inheritances。　　My　wish　therefore　was　that　the　President　should　be　elected　for　7。　years　&　be　ineligible　afterwards。　　This　term　I　thought　sufficient　to　enable　him；　with　the　concurrence　of　the　legislature；　to　carry　thro'　&　establish　any　system　of　improvement　he　should　propose　for　the　general　good。　But　the　practice　adopted　I　think　is　better　allowing　his　continuance　for　8。　years　with　a　liability　to　be　dropped　at　half　way　of　the　term；　making　that　a　period　of　probation。　　That　his　continuance　should　be　restrained　to　7。　years　was　the　opinion　of　the　Convention　at　an　early　stage　of　it's　session；　when　it　voted　that　term　by　a　majority　of　8。　against　2。　and　by　a　simple　majority　that　he　should　be　ineligible　a　second　time。　　This　opinion　&c。　was　confirmed　by　the　house　so　late　as　July　26。　referred　to　the　committee　of　detail；　reported　favorably　by　them；　and　changed　to　the　present　form　by　final　vote　on　the　last　day　but　one　only　of　their　session。　Of　this　change　three　states　expressed　their　disapprobation；　N。　York　by　recommending　an　amendment　that　the　President　should　not　be　eligible　a　third　time；　and　Virginia　and　N。　Carolina　that　he　should　not　be　capable　of　serving　more　than　8。　in　any　term　of　16。　years。　　And　altho'　this　amendment　has　not　been　made　in　form；　yet　practice　seems　to　have　established　it。　　The　example　of　4　Presidents　voluntarily　retiring　at　the　end　of　their　8th　year；　&　the　progress　of　public　opinion　that　the　principle　is　salutary；　have　given　it　in　practice　the　force　of　precedent　&　usage；　insomuch　that　should　a　President　consent　to　be　a　candidate　for　a　3d。　　election；　I　trust　he　would　be　rejected　on　this　demonstration　of　ambitious　views。

　　　　　　　　But　there　was　another　amendment　of　which　none　of　us　thought　at　the　time　and　in　the　omission　of　which　lurks　the　germ　that　is　to　destroy　this　happy　combination　of　National　powers　in　the　General　government　for　matters　of　National　concern；　and　independent　powers　in　the　states　for　what　concerns　the　states　severally。　　In　England　it　was　a　great　point　gained　at　the　Revolution；　that　the　commissions　of　the　judges；　which　had　hitherto　been　during　pleasure；　should　thenceforth　be　made　during　good　behavior。　　A　Judiciary　dependent　on　the　will　of　the　King　had　proved　itself　the　most　oppressive　of　all　tools　in　the　hands　of　that　Magistrate。　　Nothing　then　could　be　more　salutary　than　a　change　there　to　the　tenure　of　good　behavior；　and　the　question　of　good　behavior　left　to　the　vote　of　a　simple　majority　in　the　two　houses　of　parliament。　　Before　the　revolution　we　were　all　good　English　Whigs；　cordial　in　their　free　principles；　and　in　their　jealousies　of　their　executive　Magistrate。　　These　jealousies　are　very　apparent　in　all　our　state　constitutions；　and；　in　the　general　government　in　this　instance；　we　have　gone　even　beyond　the　English　caution；　by　requiring　a　vote　of　two　thirds　in　one　of　the　Houses　for　removing　a　judge；　a　vote　so　impossible　where　（*　10）　any　defence　is　made；　before　men　of　ordinary　prejudices　&　passions；　that　our　judges　are　effectually　independent　of　the　nation。　　But　this　ought　not　to　be。　　I　would　not　indeed　make　them　dependant　on　the　Executive　authority；　as　they　formerly　were　in　England；　but　I　deem　it　indispensable　to　the　continuance　of　this　government　that　they　should　be　submitted　to　some　practical　&　impartial　controul：　and　that　this；　to　be　imparted；　must　be　compounded　of　a　mixture　of　state　and　federal　authorities。　　It　is　not　enough　that　honest