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formation。
Labor seems to be a very simple category。 The notion of labor in this
universal form ��as labor in general�� is also extremely old。
Nevertheless�察 �labor; in this simplicity is economically considered just
as modern a category as the relations which give rise to this simple
abstraction。 The Monetary System�察�for example�察�still regards wealth
quite objectively as a thing existing independently in the shape of
money。 Compared with this standpoint�察�it was a substantial advance when
the manufacturing or Mercantile system transferred the source of wealth
from the object to the subjective activity mercantile or industrial
labor but it still considered that only this circumscribed activity
itself produced money。 In contrast to this system�察�the Physiocrats
assume that a specific for of labor agriculture creates wealth�察�
and they see the object no longer in the guise of money�察�but as a
product in general�察�as the universal result of labor。 In accordance
with the still circumscribed activity�察�the product remains a naturally
developed product�察�an agricultural product�察�a product of the land _par
excellence_。
It was an immense advance when Adam Smith rejected all restrictions with
regard to the activity that produces wealth for him�察�it was labor as
such�察�neither manufacturing�察�nor commercial�察�nor agricultural labor�察�but
all of them。 The abstract universality which creates wealth implies
also the universality of the objects defined as wealth�此�they are
products as such�察�or once more labor as such�察�but in this case past�察�
materialized labor。 How difficult and immense a transition that was is
demonstrated by the fact that Adam Smith himself occassionally relapses
once more into the Physiocratic system。 It might seem that in this way
merely an abstract expression was found for the simplest and most
ancient relation in which human beings act as producers irrespective
of the type of society they live in。 This is true in one respect�察�but
not in another。
The fact that the specific kind of labor is irrelevant presupposes a
highly´developed complex of actually existing kinds of labor none of
which is any more the all´important one。 The most general abstractions
arise on the whole only when concrete development is most profuse�察�so
that a specific quality is seen to be common to many phenomena�察�or
common to all。 Then it is no longer perceived solely in a particular
form。 This abstraction of labor is�察�on the other hand�察�by no means
simply the conceptual resultant of a variety of existing concrete types
of labor。 The fact that the particular kind of labor employed is
immaterial is appropriate to a form of society in which individuals
easily pass from one type of labor to another�察�the particular type of
labor being accidental to them and therefore irrelevant。 Labor�察�not
only as a category but in reality�察�has become a means to create wealth
in general�察�and has ceased to be tied as an attribute to a particular
individual。 This state of affairs is most pronounced in the United
States�察�the most modern form of bourgeois society。 The abstract
category ;labor;�察 �labor as such;�察�labor _sans phrase_�察�the point of
departure in modern economics�察�thus becomes a practical fact only there。
The simplest abstraction�察�which plays a decisive role in modern
political economy�察�an abstraction which expresses an ancient relation
existing in all social formations�察�nevertheless appears to be actually
true in this abstract form only as a category of the most modern
society。 It might be said that phenomena which are historical products
in the United States e。g。�察�the irrelevance of the particular type of
labor appear to be among the Russians ��for instance�� naturally
developed predispositions。 But in the first place�察�there is an enormous
difference between barbarians having a predisposition which makes it
possible to employ them in various tasks�察�and civilized people who apply
themselves to various tasks。 As regards the Russians�察�moreover�察�their
indifference to the particular kind of labor performed is in practice
matched by their traditional habit of clinging fast to very definite
kind of labor from which they are extricated only by external
influences。
The examples of labor strikingly demonstrates how even the most abstract
categories ��despite their validity in all epochs�� precisely because
they are abstractions are equally a product of historical conditions
even in the specific form of abstractions�察�and they retain their full
validity only for and within the framework of these conditions。
Bourgeois society is the most advanced and complex historical
organization of production。 The categories which express its relations�察�
and an understanding of its structure�察�therefore�察�provide and an insight
into the structure and the relations of production of all formerly
existing social formations the ruins and component elements of which
were used in the creation of bourgeois society。 Some of these
assimilated remains are still carried on within bourgeois society�察�
others�察�however�察�which previously existed only in rudimentary form�察�have
been further developed and have attained their full significance�察�etc。
The anatomy of man is a key to the anatomy of the ape。 On the other
hand�察�rudiments of more advanced forms in the lower species of animals
can only be understood when the more advanced forms are already known。
Bourgeois economy thus provides a key to the economy of antiquity�察�etc。�察�
but it is quite impossible ��to gain this insight�А�in the manner of those
economists who obliterate all historical differences and who see in all
social phenomenon only bourgeois phenomenon。 If one only knows rent�察�it
is possible to understand tribute�察�etc。�察�but they do not have to be
treated as identical。
Since bourgeois society is�察�moreover�察�only a contradictory form of
development�察�it contains relations of earlier societies often merely in
very stunted form�察�or even in the form of travesties e。g。�察�communal
ownership。 Thus�察�although it is true that the categories of bourgeois
economy are valid for all other social formations�察�this has to be taken
_cum grano salis_�察�for they may contain them in an advanced�察�stunted�察�
caricatured�察�etc。�察�form that is�察�always with substantial differences。
What is called historical evolution depends�察�in general�察�on the fact
that the latest form regards earlier ones as stages in the development
of itself�察�and conceives them always in a one´sided manner since only
rarely�察�and under quite special conditions�察�is a society able to adopt a
critical attitude towards itself。 In this context�察�we are not�察�of
course�察�discussing historical periods which themselves believe that they
are periods of decline。 The Christian religion was able to contribute
to an objective understanding of earlier mythologies only when its
self´criticism was�察�to a certain extent�察�prepared�察�as it were
potentially。 Similarly�察�only when the self´criticism of bourgeois
society had begun�察�was bourgeois political economy able to understand
the feudal�察�ancient�察�and oriental economies。 In so far as bourgeois
political economy did not simply identify itself with the past in a
mythological manner�察�its criticism of earlier economies especially of
the feudal system against which it still had to wage a direct struggle
resembled the criticism that Christianity directed against
heathenism�察�or which Protestantism directed against Catholicism。
Just as�察�in general�察�when examining any historical period or social
science�察�so also in the case of the development of economic categories
is it always necessary to remember that the subject ��in this context�察�
contemporary bourgeois society�� is presupposed both in reality and in
the mind�察�and that therefore categories express forms of existence and
conditions of existence ��and sometimes merely separate aspects�� of this
particular society�察�the subject�察�thus the category�察�_even from the
scientific standpoint_�察�by no means begins at the moment when it is
discussed _as such_。 This has to be remembered�察�because it provides
important criteria for the arrangement of the material。 For example�察�
nothing seems more natural than to begin with rent i。e。�察�landed
property�察�since it is associated with the earth�察�the source of all
production and all life and agriculture�察�the first form of production
in all societies that have attained a measure of stability。 But nothing
would be more erroneous。 There is�察�in every social formation�察�a branch
of production which determines the position and importance of all
others�察�and the relations obtaining in this branch accordingly determine
the relations of all other branches�察�as well。 It is as though light of
a particular hue were cast upon everything�察�tinging all other colors and
modifying their special features�察�or as if a special ether determined
the specific gravity of everything found in it。 Let us take�察�as an
example�察�pastoral tribes。 ��Tribes living exclusively on hunting or
fishing are beyond the boundary line from which real development
begins。�� A certain types of agricultural activity occurs among them�察�and
this determines land ownership。 It is communal ownership and retains
this form in a larger or smaller measure�察�according to the degree to
which these people maintain their traditions e。g。�察�communal ownership
among the Slavs。 Among settled agricultural people settled already
to a large extent where agriculture predominated�察�as in societies of
antiquity and the feudal period�察�even manufacture ��its structure and the
forms of property corresponding thereto�� have�察�in some measure�察�
specifically agrarian features。 Manufacture is either completely
dependent on agriculture�察�as in the earlier Roman period�察�or as in the
Middle Ages�察�it copies in the town and in its conditions the
organization of the countryside。 Even in the Middle Ages�察�capital
unless it was solely money capital consisted of the traditional
tools�察�etc。�察�and retained a specifically agrarian character。 The
reverse takes place in bourgeois so
酔楯荷恬: 梓囚徒貧圭�鮗� ○ 賜 ★ 辛酔堀貧和鍬匈 梓囚徒貧議 Enter 囚辛指欺云慕朕村匈 梓囚徒貧圭�鮗� ● 辛指欺云匈競何!
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